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The White Paper of 1922
(the "Churchill White Paper")
British White Paper
June 1922
The Secretary of State for the Colonies has given
renewed consideration to the existing political situation in
Palestine, with a very earnest desire to arrive at a settlement of the
outstanding questions which have given rise to uncertainty and unrest
among certain sections of the population. After consultation with the
High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert Samuel] the following
statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of the
correspondence that has already taken place between the Secretary of
State and a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of Palestine,
which has been for some time in England, and it states the further
conclusions which have since been reached.
The tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is
mainly due to apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections of
the Arab and by sections of the Jewish population. These
apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are concerned are partly based upon
exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the Balfour Declaration
favouring the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine,
made on behalf of His Majesty's Government on 2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the purpose
in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used
such as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is English."
His Majesty's Government regard any such expectation as impracticable
and have no such aim in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated,
as appears to be feared by the Arab delegation, the disappearance or
the subordination of the Arabic population, language, or culture in
Palestine. They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of the
Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole
should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home
should be founded `in Palestine.' In this connection it has been
observed with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress,
the supreme governing body of the Zionist Organization, held at
Carlsbad in September, 1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the
official statement of Zionist aims "the determination of the Jewish
people to live with the Arab people on terms of unity and mutual
respect, and together with them to make the common home into a
flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to each of
its peoples an undisturbed national development."
It is also necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in
Palestine, now termed the Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired
to possess, and does not possess, any share in the general
administration of the country. Nor does the special position assigned
to the Zionist Organization in Article IV of the Draft Mandate for
Palestine imply any such functions. That special position relates to
the measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish population,
and contemplates that the organization may assist in the general
development of the country, but does not entitle it to share in any
degree in its government.
Further, it is contemplated that the status of all citizens of
Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian, and it has
never been intended that they, or any section of them, should possess
any other juridical status. So far as the Jewish population of
Palestine are concerned it appears that some among them are
apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart from the policy
embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary, therefore, once
more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that
Declaration, re affirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied
Powers at San Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not
susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in
Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one fourth
are farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own
political organs; an elected assembly for the direction of its
domestic concerns; elected councils in the towns; and an organization
for the control of its schools. It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and
Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious affairs. Its
business is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew
Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and
displays considerable economic activity. This community, then, with
its town and country population, its political, religious, and social
organizations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in
fact "national" characteristics. When it is asked what is meant by the
development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be
answered that it is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon
the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further development
of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in other
parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the
Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an
interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have the
best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for
the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it
should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the
sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence
of a Jewish National Home in Palestine should be internationally
guaranteed, and that it should be formally recognized to rest upon
ancient historic connection.
This, then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's Government place
upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary of
State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything which
need cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or
disappointment to the Jews.
For the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish
community in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by
immigration. This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to
exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the
time to absorb new arrivals. It is essential to ensure that the
immigrants should not be a burden upon the people of Palestine as a
whole, and that they should not deprive any section of the present
population of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled
these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British
occupation has been about 25,000.
It is necessary also to ensure that persons who are politically
undesirable be excluded from Palestine, and every precaution has been
and will be taken by the Administration to that end.
It is intended that a special committee should be established in
Palestine, consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative
Council elected by the people, to confer with the administration upon
matters relating to the regulation of immigration. Should any
difference of opinion arise between this committee and the
Administration, the matter will be referred to His Majesty's
Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition, under
Article 81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council, any religious
community or considerable section of the population of Palestine will
have a general right to appeal, through the High Commissioner and the
Secretary of State, to the League of Nations on any matter on which
they may consider that the terms of the Mandate are not being
fulfilled by the Government of Palestine.
With reference to the Constitution which it is now intended to
establish in Palestine, the draft of which has already been published,
it is desirable to make certain points clear. In the first place, it
is not the case, as has been represented by the Arab Delegation, that
during the war His Majesty's Government gave an undertaking that an
independent national government should be at once established in
Palestine. This representation mainly rests upon a letter dated the
24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then His Majesty's High
Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sherif of Mecca, now King Hussein of the
Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise
to the Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence of
the Arabs within the territories proposed by him. But this promise was
given subject to a reservation made in the same letter, which excluded
from its scope, among other territories, the portions of Syria lying
to the west of the District of Damascus. This reservation has always
been regarded by His Majesty's Government as covering the vilayet of
Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The whole of Palestine
west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. Henry McMahon's pledge.
Nevertheless, it is the intention of His Majesty's government to
foster the establishment of a full measure of self government in
Palestine. But they are of the opinion that, in the special
circumstances of that country, this should be accomplished by gradual
stages and not suddenly. The first step was taken when, on the
institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated Advisory Council,
which now exists, was established. It was stated at the time by the
High Commissioner that this was the first step in the development of
self governing institutions, and it is now proposed to take a second
step by the establishment of a Legislative Council containing a large
proportion of members elected on a wide franchise. It was proposed in
the published draft that three of the members of this Council should
be non official persons nominated by the High Commissioner, but
representations having been made in opposition to this provision,
based on cogent considerations, the Secretary of State is prepared to
omit it. The legislative Council would then consist of the High
Commissioner as President and twelve elected and ten official members.
The Secretary of State is of the opinion that before a further measure
of self government is extended to Palestine and the Assembly placed in
control over the Executive, it would be wise to allow some time to
elapse. During this period the institutions of the country will have
become well established; its financial credit will be based on firm
foundations, and the Palestinian officials will have been enabled to
gain experience of sound methods of government. After a few years the
situation will be again reviewed, and if the experience of the working
of the constitution now to be established so warranted, a larger share
of authority would then be extended to the elected representatives of
the people.
The Secretary of State would point out that already the present
administration has transferred to a Supreme Council elected by the
Moslem community of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious
endowments (Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious Courts. To this
Council the Administration has also voluntarily restored considerable
revenues derived from ancient endowments which have been sequestrated
by the Turkish Government. The Education Department is also advised by
a committee representative of all sections of the population, and the
Department of Commerce and Industry has the benefit of the co
operation of the Chambers of Commerce which have been established in
the principal centres. It is the intention of the Administration to
associate in an increased degree similar representative committees
with the various Departments of the Government.
The Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines,
coupled with the maintenance of the fullest religious liberty in
Palestine and with scrupulous regard for the rights of each community
with reference to its Holy Places, cannot but commend itself to the
various sections of the population, and that upon this basis may be
built up that a spirit of cooperation upon which the future progress
and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.
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